Comparative Industrial Relations Between France Germany And Sweden Management Essay

Comparative Industrial Relations Between France Germany And Sweden Management Essay The European systems of industrial relations exemplified by France, Germany and Sweden are fundamentally similar. Furthermore, the Japanese and U.S. systems of industrial relations are fundamentally different from those found in the three European countries. What is your view of these statements? How do you justify your view? Table of Content Introduction 3 Main Body Systems of Industrial Relations in France, Germany and Sweden 4 Labour Market 5 Trade Union 6 Employers Association 7 Collective Bargaining 8 Employee Participation and Works Councils 10 Government and Regulation 11 Compare Systems of Industrial Relations between France, Germany and Sweden and in the United States and Japan 12 Labour Market 12 Trade Union 14 Employers Association 15 Collective Bargaining 16 Employee Participation and Works Councils 16 Government and Regulation 17 Conclusion 17 References 20 Introduction Industrial relations generally involve employment relations related issues in the past and present and how the changes happened. It is dynamic and changing all the time (Salamon, 1994, p.3). According to Dunlop (1958), systems of industrial relations include three main actors and their representations. The three actors are employers and their representatives, employees and their representatives and the government. Within these three parties, there is collective bargaining which is usually conducted between trade union and employers associations; and in some countries government can directly interfere collective bargaining while some cannot. Governments roles in systems of industrial relations are very significant. Dunlop also mentioned that there are factors which can affect the three parties relations, and these factors are market of labour force and power of parties. Industrial relations systems involve varieties of institutional structures beyond just employer-employee relationshi p (Hyman, 2000). Because different countries have their own unique ways of development, systems of industrial relations should be different among countries. However, from a macro point of view, it is claimed that there is a European systems of industrial relations. The creation of European Works Councils and the social partners agreement of 1991 are evidence of European industrial relations systems (Jensen et al, as cited in Hyman). In this essay, I will analyse the European industrial relations systems which demonstrate by France, Germany and Sweden which have some similarities, but differ a lot. This essay also addresses the issue that systems of industrial relations in Japan and the United States are fundamentally different from those found in the three European countries. This essay argues the following: in the three European countries, there are some similarities on aspects of labour market, employers associations structure, high coverage of collective bargaining and the decentralised bargaining level. However, they differ a lot because the difference of trade union confederation, union density, reason of high coverage of collective bargaining and decentralised bargaining level, works councils and government intervention. There are huge differences between these European countries as a whole and Japan and the United States. They are different in terms of labour market, trade unions, employers associations, collective bargaining, employee participation and works councils, and government intervention and regulations. In order to explain the above arguments, the essay concludes two main sections. In section one, I will explain the general European background for the three countries, followed by the systems of industrial relations in the three European countries. In section two, I will analyse differences between the three European countries as a whole and Japan and the United States. Within each section, the analysis is based on labour market, trade unions, employers associations, collective bargaining, employee participation and works councils, and government intervention and regulations. Main Body Systems of Industrial Relations in France, Germany and Sweden Firstly, there is one thing to be notice, and that is both these three countries are operating under a common community-the European Union. Within this European Union framework, they have some common regulation and organisations. For example, the Maastricht Treaty on Monetary Union and European Works Councils Directive of 1994 are breakthroughs of European industrial relations systems (Streeck, 1998, p443-445). Through Maastricht Treaty, member states began to have their European single currency which they can benefit a lot, such as a more stable currency, low costs of trade and European identity (Europa.eu, 2010). For the European Works Councils, they need to meet at least once a year to share information and consultation on issues such as economic and social development (Schulten, 1996). There is even a transnational employers association in Europe. Although there is a common framework for European countries, there are some similarities in the systems of industrial relations in France, Germany and Sweden; but they differ a lot. This is probably because of path dependency, countries develop towards different directions based on their own situation. I will analyse it from the aspects of labour market, trade unions, employers associations, collective bargaining and employee participation, and government roles and regulations. . Labour Market From the table below, we can see that unemployment rates of 2005 in France and Germany were quite similar and both are around 10%, while Sweden remained relatively low, at only 5.60%. The working time in these three countries are similar, around 40 hours per week. Unemployment rate (2005) Working time (weekly hours) France 10.10% 38.3 Germany 10.60% 39.9 Sweden 5.60% 40 Source: unemployment rate-Indexmundi; working time-eurofound Trade Unions About trade union confederation, according to Bean (1994), France, Germany and Sweden represent three different types of confederation. For France, confederation is considered as political unionism (p.20) because confederations are based on political affiliations and there are five main confederations in France. For example, CGT and CFDT affiliate with communist and socialist party separately (Labbe, 1994). Because the five confederations are not for specific industries or occupational groups, there are competitions among those five confederations (Freyssinet, 2003). The second type of confederation is the single dominant confederation (DGB) represented by Germany. Since there is only one confederation, confederation competition is not existed in Germany. The third type of confederation is confederations organised by occupational groups which is found in Sweden. There are confederations for blue collar workers, white collar workers and professional/ academic groups (Carley, 2002). Th is occupational division of confederations kind of follow the early union formation which was unions organised all workers, skilled and unskilled, who worked with a given material (Bean, 1994, p. 27). Union density also differs a lot through these three countries. The union density is 9.1%, 29.7% and 79% for France, Germany and Sweden separately (1999 Eurostat Labour Force Survey, as cited in Carley, 2002). What is worth notice is that although union density in France is very low, the mobilisation of French unions is quite high compared with its union membership (Gallie, 1980). Employers Associations Employers association is an organisation which is similar with trade union confederation, except that it is in favour of employers instead of employees. Employers associations structure is similar in these three countries. They all have a peak employers association which in France is SAF (SN), in Germany is BDA and in Sweden is CNPF (MEDEF); and those peak organisations cover their own entire countries in terms of geography and industries (Bean, 1994). In all the three countries, the peak employers associations do not conduct collective agreements and the member organisations that conduct collective bargaining and conclude collective agreements (Traxler, 2003; Wallerstein, et al, 1997). It is the sectoral employers organisations that have collective bargaining roles (Carley, 2002). However, the power of these peak organisations, control over member firms and the strength of affiliates are different for France, Germany and Sweden. As you can see from the table below (as cited in Traxl er, 1999), for France, the peak organisations power is above average; the control over member firms is average, and the affiliates are weak. For Germany, both peak organisations power and control over member firms are weak while the affiliates are strong. For Sweden, peak organisations power, control over member firms and the affiliates are all extremely strong. Although employers associations in Sweden are very powerful, the membership is in low level compared with membership in France and Germany (Traxler, 2000) C:UsersEllenDesktopà ¦Ã…“ ªÃƒ ¥Ã¢â‚¬ËœÃ‚ ½Ãƒ ¥Ã‚ Ã‚ .jpg. Collective Bargaining Country Collective bargaining coverage (%) Key level of collective bargaining France 93 Industry towards company negotiations Sweden 90 Industry Germany 64 Industry (Source: Worker representation in Europe. Labour Research Department and ETUI-REHS: 2007, as cited in worker-participation.eu) As you can see from the table above, all the three countries have high coverage of collective bargaining. Both France and Sweden have high collective bargaining coverage which is above 80%. As discussed before, union density in Sweden is very high. So, we can say that the high coverage of collective bargaining is associated with high union density in Sweden. France has a high coverage of collective bargaining (but a low union density) is mainly because its government. Government in France encourages collective bargaining and provides some legislation for that (Bean, 1994, p.76). In Germany, compared with its collective bargaining coverage, its union density is relatively low; it is employers associations that ensure the coverage of collective bargaining is high (Waddington, 2009). The table also illustrate that the level of bargaining in the three European countries is at industry level. However, there is a trend of decentralisation of collective bargaining in these three countries. For France, it is the state that tries to drive collective bargaining downwards and there are legal frameworks to encourage bargaining at lower levels (Goetschy and Jobert, 1993, p.162). It is even towards company negotiations now. In Germany, there are agreed forms of opening clauses that allow decentralisation happens (Katz, 1993, p.7). Sweden moves from single framework agreement to industrial bargaining with more flexibility and bargaining leverage (Katz, 1993, p.5). For wage bargaining, Germany and Sweden mainly rely on sectoral level, while company level is the key bargaining level for France (Carley, 2002). In general, it can be concluded that collective bargaining is conducted mainly at industry level in those three countries; and the bargaining depends on state/ legislation, employers associations or union organisations for France, Germany and Sweden separately. Employee Participation and Works Councils The ways which employee participation and works councils operate in these three countries are different, but with some similarities as well. In Sweden, because most employees are union members (high union density), there is no works councils at workplace separately from trade unions to represent employees and it is trade unions and shop stewards that have similar roles of works councils in other countries (Hammarstrom, 1993). Works councils are available in both Germany and France, and works councils for both countries are in statutory form (Goetschy and Jobert, 1993; Fuerstenberg, 1993). In Germany, the participation system is considered as harmony of interest between management and labour. (Bean, 1994, p.167). In France, works councils have rights to be informed and consulted about general management of the firm, especially on issues related to employees; however, they seldom have decision-making power (Goetschy and Jobert, 1993, p. 158). For Germany, expect the rights to informati on and consultation, works councils also have the right of co-determination, such as on personnel selection and training; and for consultation right, worker representatives can also have some influence on outcome (Fuerstenberg, 1993, p. 186-87). For both France and Germany, work councils elected by employees which may or may not from trade unions lists (Carley, 2002). However, it is the dual system in Germany which is there is a formal separation between institution of workplace participation (works councils) and institutions engaged in collective bargaining (trade unions) (Hassel, 1999). For France, both collective bargaining and institutions of workplace participation (works councils) involve trade unions and trade unions have a formal presence within the workplace (Treu, et al, 1993). Government and Regulation Within these three countries, states play different roles on collective bargaining. In Germany, there is a very important constitutional principle about collective agreement-Tarifautonomie; it is about the state cannot directly interfere in the negotiation arrangement conducted by the employers associations and the trade unions; and parties conduct collective agreements are independent (Burgess and Symon, 2005). In contrast to Germany, state intervention is very important in France, and the French state plays some direct role in collective bargaining (Bean, 1994, p.155). The French government always tries to encourage conversation between employers associations and trade unions (Bean, 1994, p.76). The Swedish state is special because almost every economic and social policy issue is discussed between three parties-state, labour and business (Pontusson, 1991; Waddington, 2009). Compared with the other two countries, welfare provision in Sweden is huge with great public expenditure (Cas tles and McKinlay, 1979). Compare Systems of Industrial Relations between France, Germany and Sweden and in the United States and Japan From the analysis above, it can be seen that there few similarities among the three European countries-France, Germany and Sweden. However, when compare those countries with the United States and Japan, they are often considered as Europe and become quite similar. The Japanese and U.S. systems of industrial relations are different from those found in the three European countries. I will also analyse it in terms of labour market, trade unions, employers associations, collective bargaining and employee participation, and government roles and regulations. Labour Market Unemployment Rate France Germany Sweden Japan U.S. 2005 10.1% 10.6% 5.6% 4.7% 5.5% 2006 9.9 11.7 5.8 4.4 5.1 2007 8.7 7.1 5.6 4.1 4.8 2008 7.9 9.0 6.1 3.8 4.6 Source: Indexmundi.com Nickell (1997) once argued that there is no relationship between Europeans rigid job market and the relatively high unemployment rate. However, from the table above, we can see that compared with these European countries, the Unites States which has a more flexible job market has relatively low level of unemployment rate from 2005 to 2008. Japan also has a low unemployment rate. European countries Japan U.S. Maximum working time/week (by law) France/ Germany48 hours Sweden40 hours 40 hours (but usually extension ) No statutory maximum working week (but must receive overtime pay if exceed 40 hours) Average weekly hours by full-time workers (in 2001) France 35.7hours Germany 37.7hours Sweden38.8hours __ 42.8 hours Minimum period of paid annual leave (by law) France 25 days Germany 20days Sweden 25 days 20 days No statutory annual leave entitlement Actual annual work hours (in 2000) France 1589 hs Germany 1525 hs 1970 hs 1986 hs Source: EIRO; Carley, 2004, eurofound From the table above, we can conclude that compared with the three European countries, Japan and the United States generally work more and have less holiday time. It is also argued that Japanese and American workers are more tolerant and tend to accept overtime and irregular working time; and therefore European workers are considered in lower work ethic (Streeck, 1992, p.312). The characteristic and economic aspects of labour market between the three European countries and Japan and USA are also different. According to Streeck (1992), there are two distinction of labour market between European countries and the other two countries. The first one is the skilled level of labour. Labour in European countries is identified as high-skill workers, and they also have relatively high wages and social benefits. The high-skill workers have a strong relation with training schemes in European countries. This also illustrates the difference between LMEs (USA) and CMEs (France, Germany, Sweden and Japan). The apprenticeship system in USA is not strong and has no institutionalised links with the general education system; while the apprenticeship system is better in CMEs, and especially in Germany which has new apprenticeship programmes in both manufacturing and service sectors (Bosch and Charest, 2008, p.429). Bosch and Charest also mentioned that vocational training pro grammes have minor roles in USA while in Germany, employers, trade unions and government drive occupational training together (p.433). Japanese workers tend to be trained on-the-job (Hashimoto, 1979). Japanese workers skills are also in high level but with low transportability which is the second distinction Streeck mentioned. Labour can be easily transportable in European countries and USA but in Japan, labour is firm-specific (p.311); and the low transportability of Japanese workers is mainly due to lifetime employment (Hashimoto, 1979). Trade Unions As mentioned above, Germany has a single dominant confederation (DGB), and this is similar with the United States because it has unified confederal arrangements (AFO-CIO) (Carley, 2004). A noticeable feature of U.S. unionisation is business unionism which focuses on economic aspects of the members and collective bargaining instead of concerning social reorganisation and political activities; and it has little direct connections with political parties (Bean, 1994, p.21). For Japan, it is similar with France because its two main confederations are based on political affiliations (Rengo links with left party and Zenroren links with further left party) (Kuwahara, 1993). One similar trend for those five countries is the decrease on number of trade unions and the merging of trade unions (Carley, 2004). Generally speaking, trade union density is declining in all the five countries; trade union density in Japan and USA is lower than the average of it is in those three European countries, but higher than it is in France (see the table below). Country 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 France 8.4 8.3 8.2 8.4 8.2 8 8 7.9 7.8 Germany 25.3 24.6 23.7 23.5 23 22.2 21.6 20.7 19.9 Sweden 80.6 79.1 78 78 78 77.3 76.5 75.1 70.8 Japan 22.2 21.5 20.9 20.3 19.7 19.3 18.8 18.3 18.3 U.S. 13.4 12.8 12.8 12.6 12.4 12 12 11.5 11.6 Source: OECD.Statistics Employers Associations As mentioned above, all the three European countries have their own national peak employers associations and the subsections of the peak associations conduct collective bargaining. Japan also has a national employers association-the Japan Federation of Employers Associations (Nikkeriren) which does not engage in collective bargaining and collective bargaining is usually conducted at company level (Bamber and Lansbury, 1993). But, Nikkeriren do have formal conversation with the government and trade unions; although Nikkeriren cannot force companies to follow its guidelines, its member associations play a behind role which influence member companies (Carley, 2004). However, this is not the case in the United States. Employers organisations are less important in USA and no national employers confederations have ever been engaged in collective bargaining (Wheeler, 1993). Collective Bargaining Country Coverage of collective bargaining Level of collective bargaining France 93% Industry Germany 67% Industry Sweden 90% Industry Japan 20% Company U.S. 15% Company Source: Eurostat Labour Force Survey 2002 From the table, we can see that the coverage of collective bargaining in both Japan and USA are very low compared with the three European countries. As mentioned before, France, Germany and Sweden have high bargaining coverage depend on the government, employers association and high union density separately. For Japan and USA, the low bargaining coverage matches their low union density (Carley, 2004). The table also demonstrates the level of collective bargaining. For the three European countries, collective bargaining conducts mainly at industry level, whereas for Japan and USA, it happens at company level. It is noticeable that USA employers tend to oppose to unions since mid-1970s, and employers opposition to collective bargaining is more spread in USA than in other countries (Bamber and Lansbury, 1993). In Japan, both unions and employers organisations satisfy with company bargaining because firms rely mainly on internal market and employees tend to stay in the same company (Kuwahara, 1993). Employee Participation and Works Councils While in France and Germany, there is legislation for exchanging information and cooperation negotiations between employers and employees; by law, Swedish trade unions have the rights of information, consultation and co-determination; both USA and Japan, there is no legislation for works councils and employee participation, but Japan does have a high level of employee-management cooperation (Carley, 2004). Government and Regulation Because USA is a typical country of LMEs, government intervention is relatively less compared with it is in CMEs. In France, Germany, Sweden and Japan, there are clear legislations that support collective bargaining, but legislative support of collective bargaining in USA is very limited (Bean, 1994, p.124-26). For new forms of work, such as part-time work and temporary agency workers, European countries tend to regulate them with legislation; USA leaves them unregulated; and Japan is in between (Carley, 2004). Compared with Japan and USA , European countries provide high level of basic social rights for employees; and European industrial relations also provide publicly guaranteed status to strong, independent unions both in the industrial and the political arena (Streeck, 1992, p.314). Conclusion The systems of industrial relations are mainly about the three actors which are employers and their representatives, employees and their representatives and the state. When looking at systems of industrial relations in France, Germany and Sweden as a whole as European countries and comparing them with systems in Japan and the United States, it is believed that the three European countries are similar while fundamentally different from Japan and the United States. However, when compare the three countries separately, they have many differences. Trade union confederations in France, Germany and Sweden are under three different systems-political affiliations, single dominant confederation and divided by occupational groups separately. The high coverage of collective bargaining mainly depends on government, employers associations and high union density in France, Germany and Sweden. Sweden has a single channel system and has not works councils at workplaces while works councils are avail able in France and Germany; and in Germany, trade unions and works councils are separated from each other by law, but this is not the case in France; French trade unions involve in collective bargaining and have formal presence in workplace. For labour market, Japan and the United States tend to have lower unemployment rate than it is in European countries; those European countries workers work less and have more holidays compared with Japan and the United States; labour in European countries with wider range of training programmes is in high-skill level while in low-skill level in the United States; Japanese workers are also well trained, but the transportability in low compared with it is in European countries and the United States. Trade unions in European countries concern with social issues and have some relations with political activities, whereas focus on economic issues and has little relations with political activities. National employers associations are available in Japan and the three European countries, but absent in the United States. Legislative support of collective bargaining is placed in European countries and Japan (CMEs), but limited in the United States (LMEs). Both union density and the coverage of collective bargaining are high in the three European countries while low in Japan and the United States. The bargaining level in European countries is mainly at industrial level, but at company level for Japan and the United States. When there is no legislation on works councils in Japan and the U.S., it is available in European countries. European employees enjoy higher social rights than employees in Japan and the United States. Word count: 3661

African Americans Civil War Essay

This paper is fundamentally about the influence African Americans had on the Civil War. The subjects being addressed include black soldiers, the Underground Railroad, Frederick Douglass, religion, and the abolitionist movement. The integral importance of African Americans in the Civil War is that they changed the meaning and action of the war from being about unification to being about slavery, and the emancipation of slaves. In the areas of participating in the war in both battle and lecturing, the paper delves into the reasons behind such action, and the national consequence of African American participation in all of the aforementioned areas. We were at times remarkable buoyant, singing Hymns, and making joyous exclamations, almost as Triumphant in their tone as if we had reached a land Of freedom and safety. A keen observer might have Detected in our repeated singing of O Cannan, sweet Canaan I am bound for the land of Canaan, Something more than a hope of reaching heaven. We Meant to reach the North, and the North was our Canaan. -Frederick Douglass Introduction The importance of the black culture during the years of the Civil War cannot be expressed without a discussion of slavery, abolition, and the freedom the African American race faced. In the South as well as the North, prejudice abounded, and in that fact is found the fettered movement of the African Americans. In this paper, the issues of freed blacks in the Civil War will be addressed; these include but certainly are not limited to slavery, abolition, religion, black soldiers, the Underground Railroad and of course Frederick Douglass. In the course of the next pages, these topics will be discussed with brief historical accounts using textual evidence, and the sentiments of the tension between, not only the master-slave relationship, but also the relationship of white officers and black soldiers. It is the duty of history to extol the accounts of the brave men and women who made freedom possible for an entire race; in this paper, a glimpse of those people and the adversity they challenged will be aggrandized and the essence of black culture and their contribution to their own rebellion will be dissected. In the influence of African American mores and values and their command in history over a few decades during the Civil war, it is freedom and the right to express themselves without prejudice, that makes them a strong people, and in this paper those influences on America will be made explicit. Why are African Americans at War The idea of African Americans at war during the Civil War is an answer that can be found in the crescendo of abolitionist speeches. Freed blacks wished to be at war to free their brothers and sisters who were still slaves; they were at war for many reasons. The call to war could not have been met with any more gusto than it was meet in the black community, as McPherson (1965) quotes You, white fellow-citizens, constitute a very large majority of the voters†¦ Therefore we appeal to you to stand by us, and see that we are not unjustly punished†¦We are weak-you are strong. We are few in numbers – you are numerous. O, men of Massachusetts! Tell us not that there are two kinds of rights; rights of the rich, which you respect because you must; rights of the poor, on which you trample because you dare†¦ Freedom has been your legacy from birth; by some of us it has been achieved. We know what oppression is; protect us from this political oppression†¦Some of us have experienced the unutterable anguish of leaving our dear ones for the sake of freedom. We appeal to you to secure and protect us in the freedom which we have sought. Let us not be exiled form the State of our adoption†¦ (15). McPherson goes on to state that in the freed blacks their was a ferocity to be done with the injustice delivered to them, and the outlet for such animosity could be found in Lincoln’s call to arms for volunteers to staunch the south rebellion. The Union could only be re-united through war; African American roles were pivotal in the outcome. There could be no compromise in the issue of slavery; men were born free, not sold, not bartered. The African American influence in this regard was their quick approval of such sentiment and their quick action to restore themselves as human. McPherson further emphasizes the innate reaction for action on the part of free blacks, As we sympathize with our white fellow-citizen at the present crisis, and to show that we can and do feel interested in the present state of affairs; and as we consider ourselves American citizens and interested in the Commonwealth of all our white fellow-citizens, although deprived of all our political rights, we yet wish the government of the United States to be sustained against the tyranny of slavery, and are willing to assist in any honorable way or manner to sustain the present Administration. We therefore tender to the state the services of the Hannibal Guards (20). There should be not question as to why African Americans so whole-heartedly participated in the Civil War. In the following pages, their participation as soldiers, as Underground Railroad conductors and as a race ready to be educated and rid of the fetters that shackle them, will be explored, explained, and expounded upon. Black Soldiers It is often misjudged the amount of free blacks who participated in their own emancipation. As slaves, African Americans were subject to ineffable amounts of torture and pain: Mothers and sisters were forced into prostitution, men were separated from their families and the entire race was thought of as less than human, a savagery of mankind. With these sentiments and the labor forced upon them, the simple act of combat in rebellion against such strife and animosity should come as little surprise when reading the history books. The driving force of export in the South was built upon black labor, and the disillusionment that such labor could be forever enslaved was ludicrous. The types of influence that African Americans had during such a time were found in the ever-popular blues music, and gospel. While working in the fields it was song that men, women, and children would turn to, to pass the time and feel united. This however is only a small scope of the participation African Americans played during the infant conception of our country . During the Civil War, blacks were enlisted as soldiers. The sentiment was very diverse in this subject. Some Northern whites did not agree with blacks participating with them, they held a dichotomy of views between wanting the blacks to be free and having them serve with them. In this regard, black regiments were incepted and it was agreed that the commanders of these regiments would be retired white military leaders so that the general populace still felt the commodity of ‘safety’ when thinking about blacks serving in the war with whites. Thus prejudice is proved to be very much alive even in the cultured North. In McPherson’s book The Negro’s Civil War (1965), he states, Despite the fact that Negro soldiers had fought for the United States in the Revolution and in the War of 1812, a federal law barred colored men from serving in state militias, and there were no Negroes in the regular United States Army. A group of Boston Negroes met in the Twelfth Baptist Church on April 23 to call for the repeal of laws that kept colored men out of the army. Robert Morris, a Negro lawyer in Boston, declared that ‘if the Government would only take away the disability, there was not a man who would not leap for his knapsack and musket, and they would make it intolerable hot for Old Virginia’. On April 29 a Negro drill company was organized in Boston, and in subsequent weeks the colored men of Massachusetts sent several petitions to the legislature praying for the repeal of discriminatory militia laws (20). In this quote is found the discriminatory actions of the side of the war that is supposed to be sympathetic towards the plight of African Americans. Though it could not considered direct hostility, the fact that at first blacks were denied to participate physically in their own emancipation was a deterring event in the process of freedom. During the course of the war it should also be cited the black regiments proved themselves with valor and without trepidation. It is documented that the Secretary of War denied the right of blacks to participate in fighting . The general fears of the Northern states were negated, and this fact is found especially true for the victory in Port Hudson. Colonel Higginson’s regiment on May 27, 1863 (a black regiment) fought against a Confederate stronghold, and though they were not victorious, they gained the accolades of the white regiments for their bravado during the battle. As McPherson quotes of this episode, â€Å" ‘The self-forgetfulness, the undaunted heroism, and the great endurance of the negro, as exhibited that day, created a new chapter in American history for the colored man’† (185) . In this event, prejudice was all but vanquished from the white soldiers’ minds. The influence witnessed and recorded here proves undeniably that African Americans were essential in the fight against slavery, and the eventual event of their own freedom as well as staunching the belief system of the majority Northern sentimentality. To further expound on these heroic traits brought forth by black regiments, and the clouded judgment of white soldiers and officers, McPherson offers these accounts on the prejudice and the overcoming of such bigotry, A white officer of engineers who had witnessed the assault declared that ‘you have no idea how my prejudices with regard to negro troops have been dispelled by the battle the other day. The brigade of negroes behaved magnificently and fought splendidly; could not have done better. They are far superior in discipline to the white troops, and just as brave’. And the moderate New York Times, commenting on the reports of the battle, said that ‘this official testimony settles the question that the negro race can fight†¦It is no longer possible to doubt the bravery and steadiness of the colored race, when rightly led†¦A Philadelphia Negro wrote privately on June 11, 1863, that ‘public sentiment has undergone a great change in the past month or two, and more especially since the brilliant exploits of the several colored regiments (185-187) Indubitably, the values the Northern states once held about blacks quickly vanished with word coming from the battle field of the African American’s own fortitude in fighting against their former oppressors. Prior to the war, Northern states held similar attitudes that the Southern states exuded; that of African Americans being a weaker race, and thus justifiably enslaved, as Glatthaar expresses in Forged in Battle (1991), â€Å"Yet like Southerners, Northern whites had powerful prejudices against blacks†¦It was one thing, most Northerners reasoned, to regard the enslavement of the black race as cruel and inhumane; it was another to ask Northerners to regard blacks as their equals or welcome them as neighbors and friends† (11-12). The small earthquake that the blacks gave to the whites during the Civil War was their unflinching determination during battle. To remedy the unjustified sentiments of the Northern populace, black regiments were mandated with white officers. This structure retarded the advancement of worthy black soldiers, and further impressed upon the African American race that they were oppressed. However, the struggle to be allowed to be soldiers was such that when granted the opportunity, the qualms of the arrangement were shadowed by the joy to actually be allowed to fight in battle. Though the influence of black regiments during the Civil War is concrete in history, the conclusion of such an arrangement was debilitating to the idea of ending slavery. Black regiments were not at first allowed to be commanded by an African American officer, but as Glatthaar states, From the very beginning it was evident that white men would officer these new black units. Lincoln and the War Department believed they must make this program as palatable as possible to the Northern public and soldiery, to diminish the controversy in an already controversial proposal. One of the best means to do that was to reassure Northern citizens that white men would always be in charge (35) In the false reasoning of these displays of military obstinacies, blacks were commanded by (as said prior) retired white officers . This arrangement furthered the absurdity of the assumed inferiority of blacks, as Glatthaar further extrapolates, Because most Americans had doubts about the innate ability of blacks to fight effectively, they hoped that highly competent white officers would significantly upgrade black units. Here again, blacks felt the severe constraint of prejudicial contradictions. On the one hand, casting aside the numerous examples in American history in which blacks had fought well, substantial numbers of both soldiers and civilians believed that blacks were inferior humans, more akin to savages, and therefore would be extremely difficult to control once in a killing frenzy†¦the conclusion was that the best white men could handle the immense responsibility of commanding black soldiers†¦Of course, barring blacks from command positions stifled their opportunities for advancement, but ideally the selection process would secure quality officers , who in turn would help build outstanding black units†¦To ensure its continuation and success, for the benefit of all blacks, many believed it was best to give them the finest officers available-who happened to be whit veterans. Once the public began to accept black soldiers and acknowledge their wartime contributions, then they could resurrect the idea of black officers (35-36) In the influence that black soldiers had on the Civil War it is apparent that the strides taken with the community of African Americans had an overwhelming effect on the preconceived notions both the North and the South had about blacks, and in this discovery is shown the strength of that race to prove not only to these sides but to themselves that united they could share in battle the fighting as well as the victory. The Underground Railroad With any discussion concerning the influence African Americans had on the Civil War and by extension on America it is in the Underground Railroad that a true staple of American history was ignited. African Americans not only found their way to freedom through the succor of sympathizers but were themselves strongly involved with aiding other slaves onto the road to a new and free life. There was a great throng of religious peoples involved in the success of the Underground Railroad but African Americans were the third pillar of this unique system . In the Free states of the Union, especially those that bordered the Ohio River, their strength in numbers was overwhelming . The rivers surrounding Northern states were very reliant upon the water as a means of transportation and it helped escaped slaves cross over from Kentucky. Along with helping to aid the recently freed blacks, fellow African Americans were conductors, and agents helping to signal when and where a man should go, and other black hamlets, which abounded near the rivers, were key holding areas where fugitives could rest, and eat, regaining strength before continuing onto the next leg of the journey. As Bordewich writes in Bound for Canaan (2005), â€Å"In the Sardinia area, north of Ripley, reputedly the most reliable conductor for many years was a freed slave named John D. Hudson, ‘a man of good intellect and powerful physique and when enraged of no more fear than a mad bull’ as Beck described him† (200). One extraordinary account of freed slaves is witnessed in Lancaster County in Pennsylvania. This county was home to conservative Germans, Amish, and Mennonites as well as Quakers. This county was home to hundreds of fugitives, who were either just arriving or leaving to find their homes up North as far as Canada. Most of the fugitives, however, found themselves gainfully employed, and had even made houses for themselves. Since the population was growing with fugitives, the spot was a magnet for slave hunters. As Bordewich states of Lancaster County, â€Å"In 1851 Lancaster’s blacks lived in a state of permanent high alert against gangs of night-riding kidnappers who broke into cabins without warning, seized men and women in their sleep, and carried away entire families† (326). 1851 was a year for great influence in the African American culture. Their work with the Underground Railroad had verified that their strength in numbers could bring about great change. Bordewich brings to the forefront of the railroad system the efforts of Lewis Hayden, Jermain Loguen, and William Parker and states, These men knew instinctively that the tide of history was running in their favor. The Christiana resistance had been planned and carried out entirely by African Americans, who had faced down the federal government and won, showing for all to see that blacks could and would defend themselves on a field of battle†¦Blacks had always played an assertive and sometimes dominant role within the clandestine purlieus of the underground, but this was the first time that they had done so in the open, and in the heart of two major cities, no less (343). Bordewich describes the Underground Railroad, not as a fixed system that does not alter to changing needs, but as a diverse system abundant in adaptability and the precursor to rapidly change in a threatening event. These changes were house, and shelter changes, as well route changes that the fugitives could travel to safety by. The immense influence the African Americans had in altering the Civil War is found not just by their escaping and using of the railroad, but also by their integral roles in aiding other fugitives in escape. Bordewich states, â€Å"The Underground Railroad is often visualized as a fixed system that , once established, was rarely altered. In actuality, routes were always in flux†¦Levi Coffin stated that during his lifetime he had directly and indirectly aided about thirty-three hundred fugitives to escape from slavery† (230). This number is just a small amount compared to all the fugitives aided by the Underground Railroad .

The Billing Of Billing Medicare - 1587 Words

The billing for services not rendered for are often done as a way of billing Medicare for things or services, that basically never occurred. This can involve forging the signature of those enrolled in Medicare or Medicaid, and the use of bribes or as Healthcare calls it, kickbacks to corrupt healthcare professionals. Upcoding of services is the act of billing Medicare programs for services that are more costly than the actual procedure that was done. Upcoding of items is also very similar to upcoding of services, but it involves the use of medical equipment. For example, billing Medicare for a highly sophisticated and expensive wheelchair, while only giving the patient a manual wheelchair is upcoding of items. Duplicating claims occur when a provider does not submit exactly the same bill, but alters small things such as the date in order to charge Medicare twice for the same service rendered. Therefore rather than a single claim being filed twice, the same service is billed two tim es in an attempt to receive payments from the government twice. Unbundling involves bills for particular services are submitted as fragmentary, which appear to be staggered out over time. Although, these services would normally cost less when bundled together, but by manipulating the claim, a higher charge is billed to Medicare resulting in a higher pay out to the party committing the healthcare fraud. Excessive services occur when Medicare is billed for something greater than what the level ofShow MoreRelatedThe Reimbursement Of Medical Services Essay1434 Words   |  6 Pagescredentials of the clinician, inappropriate billing and coding, and unreflective documentation. 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The Federal Republic of Nigeria Essay examples - 1486 Words

The Federal Republic of Nigeria Located in the west of Africa, housing a city with major attractions in the country as the Nigerian National Mosque and the Nigerian National Christian Centre, it is safe to say that Nigeria has a prosperous ethnic diversity housing 250 ethnic groups of which there three in 250 ethnic groups are predominant which are the Hausa, Yoruba and the Igbo. Amongst other predominant tribes the Edo, Ijaw and the Kanuri are three major tribes of six major tribes (Maps of World, 2014: Internet). Likewise to the constitution of Nigeria, which supports the freedom of religion of the citizens of Nigeria and other citizens, Nigeria is (although others oppose) a multi- religious country. Half of the country which is fifty†¦show more content†¦Ethno-religious conflicts, have managed to give birth to various militants, to mention a few; Igbo People Congress (IPC), the Egbesu Boys and a great deal of other militants. It is but true to note that it is not possible identify the precise number of ethno-religious conflict that occur of have occurred and this is due to the lack of satisfactory data on this subject [Salawu, 2010: 345]. Ethno Religious Conflicts Salawu [2010: 46] defines ethno-religious conflict as a situation whereby, the relationship among members of one ethnic or religious group and others of such groups in a multi-ethnic and multi-religious society are categorized by lack of affability, mutual suspicion, more like the state of nature as Hobbes would regard such a setting, full of fear and aversion and a propensity towards violent confrontation. Ethnicity and religious intolerance have become the point of multiple forms of self-rule ranging from the proclamation of the language barrier, cultural independence and religious dominance. 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